India is among the top ten arms importers in the world. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute(SIPRI), India holds 9.8% of the global arms share with Russia being the biggest supplier followed by the United States. Since its independence India has acquired a huge number of arms from Russia. The key acquisitions include the S-400 air defense system, T-90 tanks, Su-30 MKI fighter jets, and BrahMos cruise missile jets. These arms imports have strengthened India’s defense system but at the same time, it is grappling with several internal challenges that are hindrances to its military modernization.
India is among Russia’s top five arms importers. Russian arms are easier to obtain for states including India for several reasons. Firstly, the cost of training and maintenance requirements are lower and more cost-effective. Secondly, Russian military hardware is cheaper and easier to operate and maintain. Thirdly, Russia offers loans with extended repayment plans for arms, unlike the US. Fourth, no end-user conditions are imposed due to a lack of legislation and bureaucratic delays on importers. Lastly, they are feasible to buy for non-democratic regimes as human rights records, political instability, and democratic norms are not emphasized. Therefore, it is easier for India to acquire Russian weaponry.
The diplomatic relations between India and the Soviet Union started in 1947 when India gained independence. Originally, the Soviets invested in mining, energy, and steel production. But soon afterward, defense became the main pillar of the Soviet-Indo relationship. A non-aligned foreign policy was adopted by India but started acquiring weapons from the Soviet Union after border conflicts with neighboring states of China and Pakistan. The first agreement between India and the USSR was signed in 1962 when India acquired MiG-21 fighter jets. In 1965, the USSR played a key role in mediating between India and Pakistan, and with the Soviet efforts, the Tashkent declaration was signed. In August 1971, the USSR and India signed a Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation which provided it with arms that were used in the war against Pakistan over Bangladesh.PT-76 floating tanks were given to India by the USSR which weighed 14.6 tonnes and were effective on the eastern border. In 1974, when India tested nuclear weapons in Pokhran, Rajasthan USSR extended its full support. After the disintegration of the USSR in 1991, Russia continued its arms export to almost 100 states with India being among the top five importers.
India was the world’s largest purchaser of major weapon systems from 1992-2022. Between 2009-13, 76% of arms imports were from Russia. From 2013-2017, India imported 64% of its weapons from Russia and 45% from 2018-22. From 2017-22 India imported Russian weapons more than any other state. Moreover, since 2001, regular summits have been held, and since 2021 meetings of foreign and defense ministers are held. In October 2000, a declaration on India-Russia’s strategic partnership was signed and a special and privileged strategic partnership was signed in December 2010. The joint training exercises have also been conducted between the two states for several years.
The major acquisitions include Su-30, T-90 tanks, and S-400. The Sukhoi Su-30MKI was ordered by India in 1996 and received in 2002. Now, it has 263 Su30s in combat roles and are an integral part of the Indian Air Force(IAF). It has a range of 3000 km and a payload capacity of 8130 kg. It can carry a wide range of armaments including air-to-surface missiles, rocket pods, and laser-guided bombs. The 97% of the main battle tanks of the Indian Army are Russian. The T-90 main battle tanks(MBTs) are a combination of T-72 and T-80 and are in use by Russia since 1992. They were obtained by India in 2004 and now has 1200T-90s.
India decided in 2016 to buy the S-400 missile system which has been in use by Russia since 2007. It is a mobile surface-to-air missile defense system. It uses four different types of missiles to counter targets and with the highest range of 400km. It is effective against ballistic and cruise missiles, unmanned aerial vehicles(UAV), and aircraft. In 2018, a deal of US $ 5.54 billion was signed and India was to be provided with five regiments of S-400.In 2021 first delivery was made now, India acquired three regiments but there has been a delay in the delivery of the remaining two regiments due to Russia’s Ukraine war between March and October 2026.Several joint ventures have also been started between India and Russia, including the production of Brahmos cruise missiles. Its name is derived from the Brahmaputra River in India and the Moskva River in Russia. It has both nuclear and conventional warhead capabilities and uses liquid fuel. Its production started in 1998 and has been in deployment since 2005. It has a range of 300-500km and can be launched from land, air, sea, and submarines.
Moreover, the Indian armed forces have several Russian-made arms. The Indian army has 3 Rajput class (Kashin) guided missile destroyers,6 Talwar class frigates (Krivak),1 Abhay class (Pauk) corvette, 3 Kumbhir class (Poloncy) warfare vessels and 2418 T-72s. The Indian Navy has 40 MiG-29 multirole fighters,3I1-38 aircraft, and 12 Ka -28 helicopters for anti-submarine and maritime patrol. The IAF boosts several Soviet-made jets. It has 60 MiG-29, 50 MiG-21,150 MiG-27,6 I1-78 aerial tankers,17 I1-76 heavy transport, more than 100 An-32 medium transports,12 Mi-24 attack helicopter variants,200 Mi-17 transport helicopters,12 Mi -21 and Mi-29 trainer aircraft. India has also 150 BM-21 and 40 BM-30 rocket launchers,2400 BMP-2 infantry fighting vehicles,7 Russian kilo class submarines, and 1 Vikrant class aircraft carrier (Kiev).
Third, there has been no production increase to meet procurement requirements which in turn increases demand for foreign supplies. Fourth, there is resistance from interest groups against domestic arms production. In 2019, the post of Chief of Defense Staff(CDS) was created under the Department of Military Affairs which focused on promoting the use of domestic equipment by armed forces but has not been able to achieve its true purpose. There is also inter-services rivalry which hinders domestic arms production. The armed forces of India are concerned about the quality of weapons rather than their origin. Moreover, the Defense Public Sector Undertakings (DPSU) have failed to fulfill expectations. Fifth, there is a lack of technological depth for the manufacturing of major systems, and raw materials which are then imported. License manufacturing holds 58% of defense procurement. Lastly, there are bureaucratic delays that create obstacles in implementing reforms. There are also concerns about the allocation of defense budget.
However, several internal challenges hinder India’s military modernization. First, all of these arms require regular maintenance and upgrades which India has failed. It is not able to repair and maintain foreign arms due to logistical issues. Second, the indigenization drives have failed to obtain the desired results. They are hampered by low investment in research and development, shortage of parts, lack of skilled labor, and bureaucratic delays. In 2014, the Make in India initiative was launched by the Modi government. It aimed to increase domestic defense production. Its purpose was to accelerate manufacturing growth, increase the contribution of the manufacturing industry to GDP, and the creation of manufacturing jobs. It faced several challenges such as labor issues and a lack of competitive advantage.
In conclusion, India is one of the biggest arms importers notably from Russia but its military modernization faces several internal challenges. It has repeatedly failed to create indigenous weapons due to a low defense budget, less technological depth, and bureaucratic delays. To address these challenges, India needs to improve domestic production and build advanced technological capabilities. However, all these efforts should not pose a threat to regional stability.
The Author, Numra Ilyas is a Student of International Relations in University of Sargodha. Her Area of interest include South Asia and Strategic Studies.
Add a Comment